Footnotes
1 Fotofestiwal Lodz, 2023
2  It is a practice that reminds me of Musuk Nolte's powerful work, ‘On the Belongings of the Air, which similarly addresses ayahuasca and the Amazonian territory, mixing visual experimentation with the invisible dimensions of the plant world. 
3 In 1971, the Nasa, together with seven other indigenous committees in the region, such as the Inga and Kokonuko, founded one of the most important indigenous councils in the country: the Cauca Regional Indigenous Council (CRIC). The CRIC is a collective that works to defend life and dreams, educating children, women, and men in indigenous law, human rights, and peaceful resistance. It now represents more than ten Indigenous Nations, 115 committees, and 11 associations, establishing itself, as Mazars asserts, as a key political reference point in Abya Yala.
4 Challenging the European-imposed "America", Abya Yala serves as a decolonial term to reclaim Indigenous identity, sovereignty, and connection to the land, and it signifies a unified, ancestral territory beyond modern colonial borders, representing a spiritual and political concept of living in harmony with the Earth—and with the coca plant.
5 A paradigmatic example in this regard is Stephen Ferry’s Violentology. [Link]
6 During the 16th and the 17th centuries, a booming trade in silver depended on extractive economies in South America, where coca sustained the labour that fueled mining operations. In iconic colonial cities such as Potosí, large-scale mining reshaped coca’s social meaning and function, transforming it into a vital mining supply. By 1645, approximately 50% of global silver production came from Potosí. This explosive production, created hand in hand with coca consumption in the Andes, solved the metal shortage that had severely affected the European economy in the 15th century and provided a constant flow of capital that transformed several of its kingdoms into empires. It was not for nothing that Potosí was nicknamed “the treasury of the world” by Emperor Charles V (1500-1558). The production at Potosí, along with other Andean mines, would decline in the mid-17th century due to several factors, amongst them the exploitation of another entheogenic plant for the sake of global trade: opium. The cultivation and consumption of coca subsequently declined until the late-19th century, when medical interest in the plant re-emerged.
7 Initially, the Spanish crown as well as the missionaries rejected coca cultivation and use since they were aware of its status as a sacred plant. However, in the face of continuous indigenous revolts and the decline in metal extraction from the mines that occurred when attempts were made to replace crops, the crown allowed its sale and the encomenderos encouraged its use in the Andean mines. 
8 Recent work of scholars such as Gootenberg show that German and US pharmaceutical companies such as Merck and Parke, Davis & Co (now Pfizer) invested in the large-scale processing of cocaine hydrochloride and imported coca leaves from Peru and Bolivia for local crystallization. In Asia, coca leaf plantations were established in Taiwan and Indonesia- then colonies of Japan and the Netherlands-, which, in the hands of pharmaceutical companies such as Sankyo, Hoshi, and the NCF (Netherlands Cocaine Industry, now AkzoNobel), would produce this drug for the local and European markets. The latter, the NFC, became the world's largest cocaine industry by 1910 and continued to expand during World War I.
9 The Nasa people (or Paez), consist of a large indigenous group primarily in Colombia's Cauca region, known for their strong land rights advocacy.
10 For example, Edgar Tumiña, Luis Yonda, Carmen Baltazar, and Fabiola Piñacué.
11 As said at the intercultural tulpa of the UAIIN University in Popayán. The quote dates December 2023.
12 The promises of change associated with the 2016 demobilisation of Abya Yala’s oldest guerrilla group, the FARC-EP, have been undermined by the economic instability and the resistance of various political powers to implementing the peace agreements. In this vacuum, the illicit economy has taken hold.
13 The Colombian Pacific region has become the largest area of coca cultivation worldwide, with reports that 107,000 hectares of the 253,000 nationwide are sowed in the Pacific region. 
14 Added to this figure are the most recent cases of murders of young people and territorial authorities, including Sandra Liliana Peña Chocué, Breiner David Cucuñame, Albeiro Camayo, Rogelio Chate Peña, and Edgar Tumiña figures that Mazars’s also recounts in Mama Coca. These killings are intended to decimate collective memory and strength.
15 The most widely spoken pre-Columbian language family of the Americas.
16 The local market has responded very favourably. Production of the Coca-Sek beverage, for example, initially set at 3,000 bottles per month, tripled in one year, reaching a production of 8,000 bottles per month in 2006. Faced with this growth, the founder, Fabiola Piñacué, an indigenous Paéz woman, sought bottling plants that could scale up her production to an industrial level.
17 Coca Nasa maintains, based on testimony from (mostly former) members of the company itself, that Coca-Cola annually imports approximately 150 tons of coca leaves from Bolivia and Peru through the pharmaceutical company Stepan in order to produce its syrup, “Merchandise No. 5,” which gives it its characteristic flavour. 
18 The dispute seems to have stalled for the time being. Coca Sek and Coca Pola, as well as other Coca Nasa products, can still be bought in Cauca as well as in health food stores in other Colombian cities, and Coca Nasa maintains its vision of expanding its brands.
Bibliography
- Gootenberg, P. (2002). Cocaine: global histories. Routledge.

- Gootenberg, P. (2009). Andean cocaine: The making of a global drug. Univ of North Carolina Press.
- Foster, A. L. (2023). The long war on drugs. Duke University Press.

Mama Coca

Valeria Posada-Villada
9/3/2026
18
minutes to read
Feature
Curator Valeria Posada-Villada on Nadege Mazar’s work 'Mama Coca', questioning the image of the coca plant by suggesting a more inclusive perspective.
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Curator Valeria Posada-Villada on Nadege Mazar’s work 'Mama Coca', questioning the image of the coca plant by suggesting a more inclusive perspective.

I was born and grew up in Bogotá, Colombia’s cold and congested capital. Thousands of us living in the cities hadn’t had the chance to see coca, let alone touch it, and yet a scarlet mark had already been etched into our minds. One of my first memories connected to the coca plant is not an image, but a voice; the soft voice of a child who, accompanied by a sugary melody, shared a simple yet powerful message with Colombians everyday: “La coca, la marihuana y la amapola, matan. No cultives la mata que mata.” [translated to English: “Coca, marijuana and opium are plants that kill. Do not nurture plants that kill.”] Broadcasted on TV, this warning took the form of an animation featuring a marijuana leaf with an evil face accompanying the child’s words. However, my young mind did not register the image but rather the echo of that voice repeating in my head: “Do not nurture the plants that kill.’  

Over the years, as I have read, researched, and spoken with other scholars—those who were raised with the belief that “they are plants that kill” lodged deep in our minds and hearts about the history of coca— I have come to sense a question that keeps circling back among many of us: What has this plant done to us? Yet perhaps the question we should start asking ourselves is: What have we made of this plant? With Mama Coca, Colombian artist Nadège Mazars takes up this question by inviting us to travel with her through a long historical arc, from pre-Hispanic to present times.

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Nadège Mazars, a French photographer living in Colombia since 2007, is known for taking a holistic approach to exploring the effects of global issues related to migration, nature, and war and peace. Mama Coca, a multi-faceted project that was exhibited before1 and is now also published as an artist book, includes photo series, texts, and historical and documentary archives. It results from a photographic investigation that aims to deconstruct prejudices about the coca plant, and the narrative developed from the countries of the global North, reducing it to an illicit product. 

Mazars’ more experimental and fluid approach to camera use—long exposures, tight crops, and playful manipulations of colour— supports the spirit of coca that inhabits the territory. This exploration evokes the feeling that the plant is a living presence, intertwined with its landscape and its people.3 In the book, the story unfolds along two parallel and interconnected strands. On the one hand, it follows the lives of several representatives of one of Colombia’s most important Indigenous organisations, the Cauca Regional Indigenous Council (CRIC),3 and their struggle to change the history of the leaf—until now marked by profit, extraction, conflict, and cultural appropriation. On the other, it presents an archival body of work that brings together visual sources and written research on the history of coca, from press clippings to biochemical charts which reveal the shifting ways in which the leaf has been used, studied, and represented. 

Mazars’ approach reflects a growing interest in recent years among independent journalists, photographers, and artists to understand the coca leaf beyond sensationalist or prohibitionist narratives. These practitioners engage in long-term, slow investigations that reflect on the social meanings of coca production and consumption across Abya Yala, a name for The Americas used by many Indigenous peoples, originating from the Guna (Kuna) people of Panama/Colombia, meaning "fertile land" or "land of vital blood".4 

Mama Coca approaches the history of coca in an open and attentive way, avoiding the repetitive framework in which the coca leaf is reduced to a story of narcotrafficking and violence in Colombia.5 Mazars thus offers a fresh and expansive approach of “perspective documentalism”, bringing together diverse, and often complex, narratives into a coherent whole. By bringing alternative sources to light, she invites us not only to uncover stories that have long remained in the shadows, but also to ask how our collective perception of coca’s history might shift if these images and documents were more widely seen and shared.

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Theodore de Bry (1528-1598). ‘Gold mine in Potosi, New Spain (Today Bolivia)’ (1590). Engraving. In Mama Coca (2025) by Nadège Mazars.

One of the visual sources that caught my attention in Mazars' collection was an engraving of the gold mines of Potosí. Through these images, and the essay by historian Damián Augusto Gonzales Escudero that is published alongside the visuals, a very important but overlooked fact is highlighted: that coca has played a central role in the creation of this harsh reality we call capitalism.6

For over 8,000 years, coca–hayo or yaat–has been embedded in the spiritual and social practices of Andean peoples. Colonial violence transformed the conditions of its use: as Indigenous agriculture was replaced and forced labour imposed, the coca leaf, valued for its medicinal and energising properties became indispensable to survival within the mines.7

A local trade of coca leaves emerged in the valleys near what we now know as Chocabamba, La Paz (Bolivia), and Cuzco (Peru), seeking to meet the growing demand in the nearby mining centres. The demand grew so much that, according to historian Orche García, a Spaniard visiting Potosí in 1562 exclaimed that it was not possible to obtain gold or silver from the indigenous people without using coca, which, in places like Potosí, was chewed (‘acullicaba’) three times a day in the mine.

Another dimension touched upon in Mazar’s photobook is how this craze for coca extracts by western companies played a big role in creating a global demand for cocaine hydrochloride. When the alkaloids in coca were isolated, crystallised, and enhanced by chemists Friederich Gaedeke (1855), Albert Niemann (1860), and Wilhelm Lossen (1862), creating what is now cocaine hydrochloride, commercial interest in its raw material, the coca leaf, was quick to emerge. Several American, French, and German companies began producing extracts from this leaf to create tonics, beverages, and even pills for supposedly medicinal use, including the famous Coca-Cola. Mazars’ compilation also documents these developments, presenting how the leaf became a modern commodity.8

There is a notable absence of material and photographic evidence of this boom in the late 19th and early 20th centuries when words such as “laboratory”, “cocaine factory”, or “coca plantation” are typed into image search engines like Google. The focus is on territories such as Colombia, which have become the front lines of contemporary drug policy. Coca leaf samples, photographs of plantations in Taiwan or Indonesia, and European laboratories are preserved, disaggregated, and hidden away in European archives and museums such as the one where I work—the Wereldmuseum in The Netherlands—revealing a hidden network of  interests that drove the large-scale creation of a global market for cocaine hydrochloride.

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Here on the left we see Resguardo Papallaqta—a spiritual authority— carrying a bag full of coca leaves. She is about to take part in a walk to Magalena Lake, a sacred site for the Indigenous peoples of Cauca. On the picture on the right, an incense burner filled with coca leaves is depicted. It accompanies Resguardo Papallaqta’s walk to the Magdalena Lake, a sacred site for the Indigenous peoples of Cauca. 

In Mama Coca, Mazars highlights the stories of several spokespeople for the Nasa people.9 Their faces, sometimes silent, sometimes alive with movement, bear witness to a dialogue that began in 2021 and blossomed after four-years of longstanding conversations. Through the words and gestures inscribed in this book, the indigenous spokespeople (via Mazars) invite us to conceive of a world where coca is the axis of life.10 As their voice deserves to be acknowledged too, here an excerpt of what Julio César Caldón Masavuel, an ancestral Kokonuco elder of the Puracé reserve, has to say: 

“¿Para qué más nos sirve la hojita de coca? Para concentrarnos. Me pongo a masticar y me pongo a pensar en cómo sacar del problema a una familia. La misma hojita me va orientando… por eso se llama hoja. Así como está la hoja del cuaderno, la hoja del libro, es como yo empiezo a leerla desde allí, desde ese masticar, desde ese saborear de la hojita."

["What else is the coca leaf good for? To help us concentrate. I start chewing and thinking about how to get a family out of trouble. The leaf itself guides me... that's why it's called a leaf. Just like the page in a notebook or the page in a book, that's how I start to read it, from that chewing, from that savouring of the leaf.”]11

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In Mama Coca, Mazar shows the precarious position that coca occupies: caught between competing legal, political, and cultural forces. In Peru, Bolivia, and Colombia, legal progress has been made toward recognising indigenous struggle for dignity through the protection of coca as a sacred plant and cultural heritage. These advances have opened up avenues for community action, local alternatives, and collective aspirations.

Since the second half of the 20th century, the different indigenous peoples of Cauca have faced pressure from various groups of large landowners and armed groups to take over their ancestral territories for agribusiness, mining, and drug trafficking. Among these armed groups are the former FARC and ELN guerrillas, as well as paramilitaries and criminal gangs. Due to these threats, and because of economic necessity, many indigenous peoples have been forced to grow coca leaves for cocaine production.13

According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, in 2023 illicit activities account for nearly half of the income sustaining the department, fostering a structural economic dependency. The expansion of coca cultivation is associated with a tragic toll of 252 homicides of social leaders, farmers, and Afro-Colombian or indigenous people associated with the CRIC between 2017 and 2023.14 Yet, depicted in murals, packaged as gifts, offered as food, the power of coca is present in its ability to unite minds and spirits, providing strength in the midst of a reality driven by profit and war. 

Since the late 1980s, Bolivia (2009), Colombia (1986), and Peru (2021-ongoing) have acknowledged, either constitutionally or through legislative initiatives, the importance of respecting and preserving indigenous material and immaterial culture, including the medicinal and traditional use of the coca leaf. This recent opening has allowed the production and trade of medicinal and food products, creating a commercial alternative and a strategy that raises awareness about the benefits of the leaf. These products include teas, ointments, natural tinctures, and coca-based soft drinks or alcoholic beverages.

The narratives that are seeking to promote social rejection of these plants, even leading to military intervention and crop eradication, are tenacious. Yet Mama Coca can be seen, in context of this all, as an effort to listen to the plant and the worlds it sustains, rather than reducing it to an object of prohibition or extraction. As the title of Mazars’ book suggests, by tracing the many ways its relationship with humans has shaped its path, the book seeks to bring us closer to the spirit of the leaf: “Mamacoca’’ in Spanish, or “Kuka Mama’’ in Quechua.15

Meanwhile, beyond the pain, sadness and frustration that have shaped the recent trajectory of the Colombian armed conflict, lies another dispute. Mazars highlights two commercial initiatives involving refreshing beverages from Cauca that have had a significant commercial and social impact: Coca Sek (2005) and Coca Pola (2017). These two beverage projects, fully funded by the local company Coca Nasa, are presented as viable alternatives with great potential. To produce these beverages, they purchase kilos of leaves at a price equal to, or higher than, that offered by drug traffickers and, in this way, they manage to divert leaves from the illegal circuit to a legal product. As David Curtidor, co-founder of Coca Nasa, rightly points out, “Every leaf used to make Coca Sek is one less leaf for the drug traffickers”.16

However, as is also stressed in the book, the momentum behind such initiatives has been stifled by none other than the Coca-Cola Company. Arguing that it prevents making industrial products containing traces of coca, as well as the infringement of the name “coca” as a registered trademark, Coca-Cola has demanded that Coca Nasa ends the sales of its beverages and other food products. Its pressure has been exerted indirectly—through the International Narcotics Control Board—and directly through lawsuits.17 Coca-Cola has so far not responded to accusations of cultural appropriation.18

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About
Valeria Posada-Villada
Valeria Posada-Villada’s career includes roles such as Curator of Public Practices at Foam and Curator of Modern and Contemporary Art at the National Museum of Colombia, where she supported both emerging and established artists through exhibitions and public programs. Themes close to her heart (apart from photography) include memory, conflict, symbolic restitution, performance, and dance. She has served as a jury member and portfolio reviewer for platforms and awards including the SO DuPho Award, Breda Photo, Arles Photo Folio Review, and Hamburg Portfolio Review.
About
Nadege Mazar
Nadège Mazars is a documentary photographer who has lived in Colombia since 2007. Her work offers an intimate perspective on global issues such as migration, nature, and war, while critically rethinking dominant social narratives. Her first photobook, Mama Coca (2021–2025), published by Raya Editorial in 2025, investigates the coca plant and challenges narratives from the Global North that reduce it to an illicit product. She is currrently developing two long-term projects: The Other Colombia (2015–2022), on the country’s search for peace, and Dreamers: Tales about Real Lives in El Salvador (2017–ongoing), exploring lives shaped by migration, violence, and religion. Mazars has received Magnum Foundation grants, as well as support from the International Women’s Media Foundation and the Pulitzer Center. Her work has been exhibited internationally and featured in publications including The Wall Street Journal, Le Monde, The Washington Post, and The Guardian. She holds a PhD in Sociology from Paris III and is a member of Hans Lucas and Women Photograph.
Footnotes
1 Fotofestiwal Lodz, 2023
2  It is a practice that reminds me of Musuk Nolte's powerful work, ‘On the Belongings of the Air, which similarly addresses ayahuasca and the Amazonian territory, mixing visual experimentation with the invisible dimensions of the plant world. 
3 In 1971, the Nasa, together with seven other indigenous committees in the region, such as the Inga and Kokonuko, founded one of the most important indigenous councils in the country: the Cauca Regional Indigenous Council (CRIC). The CRIC is a collective that works to defend life and dreams, educating children, women, and men in indigenous law, human rights, and peaceful resistance. It now represents more than ten Indigenous Nations, 115 committees, and 11 associations, establishing itself, as Mazars asserts, as a key political reference point in Abya Yala.
4 Challenging the European-imposed "America", Abya Yala serves as a decolonial term to reclaim Indigenous identity, sovereignty, and connection to the land, and it signifies a unified, ancestral territory beyond modern colonial borders, representing a spiritual and political concept of living in harmony with the Earth—and with the coca plant.
5 A paradigmatic example in this regard is Stephen Ferry’s Violentology. [Link]
6 During the 16th and the 17th centuries, a booming trade in silver depended on extractive economies in South America, where coca sustained the labour that fueled mining operations. In iconic colonial cities such as Potosí, large-scale mining reshaped coca’s social meaning and function, transforming it into a vital mining supply. By 1645, approximately 50% of global silver production came from Potosí. This explosive production, created hand in hand with coca consumption in the Andes, solved the metal shortage that had severely affected the European economy in the 15th century and provided a constant flow of capital that transformed several of its kingdoms into empires. It was not for nothing that Potosí was nicknamed “the treasury of the world” by Emperor Charles V (1500-1558). The production at Potosí, along with other Andean mines, would decline in the mid-17th century due to several factors, amongst them the exploitation of another entheogenic plant for the sake of global trade: opium. The cultivation and consumption of coca subsequently declined until the late-19th century, when medical interest in the plant re-emerged.
7 Initially, the Spanish crown as well as the missionaries rejected coca cultivation and use since they were aware of its status as a sacred plant. However, in the face of continuous indigenous revolts and the decline in metal extraction from the mines that occurred when attempts were made to replace crops, the crown allowed its sale and the encomenderos encouraged its use in the Andean mines. 
8 Recent work of scholars such as Gootenberg show that German and US pharmaceutical companies such as Merck and Parke, Davis & Co (now Pfizer) invested in the large-scale processing of cocaine hydrochloride and imported coca leaves from Peru and Bolivia for local crystallization. In Asia, coca leaf plantations were established in Taiwan and Indonesia- then colonies of Japan and the Netherlands-, which, in the hands of pharmaceutical companies such as Sankyo, Hoshi, and the NCF (Netherlands Cocaine Industry, now AkzoNobel), would produce this drug for the local and European markets. The latter, the NFC, became the world's largest cocaine industry by 1910 and continued to expand during World War I.
9 The Nasa people (or Paez), consist of a large indigenous group primarily in Colombia's Cauca region, known for their strong land rights advocacy.
10 For example, Edgar Tumiña, Luis Yonda, Carmen Baltazar, and Fabiola Piñacué.
11 As said at the intercultural tulpa of the UAIIN University in Popayán. The quote dates December 2023.
12 The promises of change associated with the 2016 demobilisation of Abya Yala’s oldest guerrilla group, the FARC-EP, have been undermined by the economic instability and the resistance of various political powers to implementing the peace agreements. In this vacuum, the illicit economy has taken hold.
13 The Colombian Pacific region has become the largest area of coca cultivation worldwide, with reports that 107,000 hectares of the 253,000 nationwide are sowed in the Pacific region. 
14 Added to this figure are the most recent cases of murders of young people and territorial authorities, including Sandra Liliana Peña Chocué, Breiner David Cucuñame, Albeiro Camayo, Rogelio Chate Peña, and Edgar Tumiña figures that Mazars’s also recounts in Mama Coca. These killings are intended to decimate collective memory and strength.
15 The most widely spoken pre-Columbian language family of the Americas.
16 The local market has responded very favourably. Production of the Coca-Sek beverage, for example, initially set at 3,000 bottles per month, tripled in one year, reaching a production of 8,000 bottles per month in 2006. Faced with this growth, the founder, Fabiola Piñacué, an indigenous Paéz woman, sought bottling plants that could scale up her production to an industrial level.
17 Coca Nasa maintains, based on testimony from (mostly former) members of the company itself, that Coca-Cola annually imports approximately 150 tons of coca leaves from Bolivia and Peru through the pharmaceutical company Stepan in order to produce its syrup, “Merchandise No. 5,” which gives it its characteristic flavour. 
18 The dispute seems to have stalled for the time being. Coca Sek and Coca Pola, as well as other Coca Nasa products, can still be bought in Cauca as well as in health food stores in other Colombian cities, and Coca Nasa maintains its vision of expanding its brands.
Bibliography
- Gootenberg, P. (2002). Cocaine: global histories. Routledge.

- Gootenberg, P. (2009). Andean cocaine: The making of a global drug. Univ of North Carolina Press.
- Foster, A. L. (2023). The long war on drugs. Duke University Press.